5. Fabrication of Criminal Cases in Russia.

The Russian police and Investigative Committee have increasingly resorted to blatantly fabricated criminal cases to imprison undesirable individuals and even ordinary citizens who show no political activity. These actions are often driven by personal revenge, the need to report “successfully completed work,” or at the request of certain influential parties. A variety of dirty methods are employed — from anonymous denunciations and staged bribe scenarios to planting drugs — and even torture is used to force confessions for crimes that were never committed.

One egregious case occurred in the city of Kaliningrad involving journalist and editor-in-chief of the newspaper New Wheels (Novie Kolesa), and a deputy of the Kaliningrad Regional Duma, Igor Rudnikov. He was falsely accused of bribing an official in order to have him imprisoned. The reason stemmed from the following story:

In March 2016, Rudnikov was attacked with a knife outside the café Solyanka in Kaliningrad. The attack was orchestrated to stop his investigation into the illegal construction of a hotel in the city of Svetlogorsk, on the Baltic Sea coast. Initially, the case was classified as “hooliganism.” Only one of the perpetrators — former police officer Alexey Kashirin — ended up on trial, while the other participants, who had flown in from St. Petersburg specifically to carry out the attack, along with their known accomplices from Kaliningrad, were never brought to justice. (See more in Novaya Gazeta issue No. 32, March 28, 2017.)

On June 8, 2017, the Central District Court of Kaliningrad issued an outrageous sentence, giving Kashirin only 1.5 years in prison. Both Rudnikov and the prosecution appealed the verdict to the Kaliningrad Regional Court. Rudnikov succeeded in having the criminal classification changed to “intentional infliction of moderate bodily harm.” The court found Kashirin guilty of attempted murder and concluded that the former police officer had intended to kill Igor Rudnikov. On November 9, 2017, New Kaliningrad reported that Alexey Kashirin had been sentenced to 9 years in a strict-regime penal colony.

However, the consequences for Rudnikov himself were devastating. He named the head of the Svetlogorsk district administration, Alexander Kovalsky, as the person who ordered the attempt on his life. Rudnikov linked the poor handling of the investigation to retaliation by the head of the Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation for the Kaliningrad Region, Mr. Ledenev, who allegedly sought revenge for Rudnikov's article in New Wheels and later in Novaya Gazeta. The article exposed that Ledenev had obtained a mansion for personal use on the shores of Upper Lake in Kaliningrad, worth approximately €3.5 million. This article triggered a strong reaction from Ledenev and a special investigative commission from the Investigative Committee in Moscow, which was sent to Kaliningrad to verify the information. (See more in New Wheels, article link: http://www.rudnikov.com/article.php?ELEMENTID=28773)

 

In order for the case of the attack on Rudnikov to be reclassified as attempted murder — which it actually was — Rudnikov decided to meet with Ledenev and ask him to stop interfering with the investigation. Ledenev agreed to meet and promised that the Investigative Committee would reclassify the case under the article “Intentional infliction of moderate bodily harm.” However, in return, Rudnikov had to agree to forget about the mansion case once and for all. Rudnikov agreed — but Ledenev set a trap for him.

Under the pretense of handing over documents related to Rudnikov's case, Ledenev included €50,000 in a packet of documents and arranged for it to be delivered at a café to Berezovskaya, an employee of New Wheels newspaper. As soon as the unsuspecting Berezovskaya accepted the package, she was detained by FSB officers and accused of receiving a bribe on Rudnikov’s behalf.

The investigators had no direct evidence that Rudnikov had demanded a bribe from Ledenev. Nevertheless, Rudnikov was arrested and held in pre-trial detention pending a court decision. Upon his arrest, Rudnikov was severely beaten — as confirmed by a medical examination. Furthermore, a search of his home was conducted without a prosecutor’s warrant, during which a U.S. green card issued in his name was found.

Using this case as grounds, Rudnikov was quickly stripped of his deputy mandate in the Kaliningrad Regional Duma. His former colleagues unanimously voted for the removal — delivering yet another stab in the back. In Russia, the fear of losing a seat outweighs honor and integrity.

On February 24, 2018, journalists and Rudnikov’s support group planned to hold a protest in front of the Kaliningrad city administration building in his defense.

 

Fabricated Drug Case

Meduza special correspondent Ilya Zhegulev described on Facebook the story that his family had to endure. His younger brother Leonid — a financier and family man — had drugs planted on him. He was imprisoned without being given the chance to present his defense or request independent examinations. Now he faces up to 10 years in prison.

This is just one of thousands of such stories that play out daily in various Russian regions. At Meduza, we receive letters in bulk — from the relatives of those who’ve had drugs planted on them, or from the convicted themselves, writing from prison.

Even after the dissolution of the Federal Drug Control Service (FSKN), the tactics used by operatives have not changed. It doesn’t take creativity to fabricate such a case — all one needs is the court’s backing. And that backing is always there. That’s why they don’t even try to cover their tracks: the same absurd, repetitive mistakes in the protocols, carbon-copy testimonies from police officers and “witnesses,” but the court will still hand down sentences — 8 to 12 years.

You only need to witness two or three such trials to see this for yourself. “It’s monstrous — when investigators, chasing quotas and performance metrics, sentence innocent people to terms equivalent to murder, without gathering evidence and by planting drugs,” Zhegulev writes. “While real drug dealers, who sell to schoolchildren and run lucrative businesses, walk free — they’re arresting my brother based on tips from actual criminals, destroying his life and our entire family’s future. If Lenya gets 10 years — as the article promises — it will be nothing short of murder. The murder of my brother, a healthy, intelligent, 30-year-old man with no knowledge of prison life,” Zhegulev concludes.

In the city of Penza, criminal cases were fabricated accusing antifascists Yegor Zorin, Ilya Shakursky, Vasily Kuksov, and Dmitry Pchelintsev of terrorism. In the basement of the pre-trial detention center (SIZO), in order to extract confessions, they were subjected to brutal torture by FSB officers.

“…In October 2017, FSB officers in Penza detained four antifascists — Yegor Zorin, Ilya Shakursky, Vasily Kuksov, and Dmitry Pchelintsev. In early November, Andrey Chernov was also detained in Penza, and Arman Sagynbayev in St. Petersburg. All were accused of participating in a ‘terrorist organization’ (Article 205.4, Part 2 of the Russian Criminal Code). According to the FSB, the young men created an organization called ‘The Network’ and allegedly planned to incite mass unrest through explosions during the presidential elections and the FIFA World Cup in order to destabilize the political situation in the country and spark an armed uprising.

Relatives of the Penza detainees reported planted weapons and torture — the detainees were electrocuted and hung upside down. Viktor Filinkov, after his detention, stated that security officers tortured him with a stun gun and forced him to memorize confessions in order to later repeat them to the investigator. Torture was also reported by Ilya Kapustin, who was questioned as a witness — FSB agents used a stun gun on him, threatened to break his legs, and leave him in the forest.

Torture was also used against Pchelintsev…

Sagynbayev was tortured as well. It’s barbaric, you understand? As if it were 1937 again.

There is absolutely no question of any actual terrorist activity…”

Ilya Shakursky was charged with an additional article — Article 222 — illegal possession of weapons and explosives. “…Two grenades and a pistol were planted in his car under the rear seat. If they were such skilled conspirators, no one would be so incompetent as to just leave two grenades like that”...

From Pchelintsev’s account of torture in SIZO:

“…A special forces officer, the shift supervisor, and a major from the Federal Penitentiary Service entered my cell and told me to follow them to a nearby solitary confinement cell. I obeyed. Immediately, 6–7 people entered the room, half of them wearing uniforms in camouflage style ‘multicam,’ the other half in civilian clothes — all with balaclavas on. Despite the masks covering their faces, I could later identify some of them by voice, build, and clothing. Some I recognized later during escorts.

They gave me instructions, which I followed. I stripped down to my underwear, sat on a bench, pulled my arms behind me, and bowed my head down. At first, I thought it was a standard inspection procedure for new detainees, so I complied. Then they tied my hands behind my back with tape, taped my legs to the bench leg, and stuffed a piece of gauze into my mouth. One of them wore white medical rubber gloves. He pulled out a hand-crank dynamo machine and placed it on the table, stripped two wires with a utility knife, and told me to extend the big toe of my foot.

Another officer checked my pulse at the neck — he did this several times later to monitor my condition. He seemed surprised that my pulse was calm and I showed no signs of distress — I hadn’t yet grasped what was happening. Then the man with the gloves began cranking the dynamo. The current surged through my legs up to my knees, causing my calf muscles to contract violently. I was overwhelmed by paralyzing pain, screaming, thrashing my back and head against the wall. They had placed a jacket between my bare back and the stone wall. This lasted about 10 seconds, but during the torture it felt like an eternity. One of them began talking to me…”

He said verbatim: "You must forget the words 'no,' 'I don’t know,' and 'I don’t remember.' Do you understand me?" I answered, "Yes." He said, "Correct answer, good job, Dimochka." Then they stuffed gauze into my mouth again and continued electrocuting me — four times, each lasting about three seconds.

After that, they threw me to the floor. Because I was tied to the bench by one leg, I fell hard and severely injured my knees — they began to bleed heavily. They began to pull down my underwear. I was lying face down, and they tried to attach wires to my genitals. I started screaming and begging them to stop torturing me.

They kept repeating: "You are the leader." To make them stop, I said: "Yes, I am the leader."
"You were planning to commit terrorist attacks."
I replied: "Yes, we were planning to commit terrorist attacks."

One of them, the one who kept checking my pulse at the neck, put his balaclava over my head so I couldn’t see them. At one point, I lost consciousness for some time.

The next day, on October 29, 2017, in order to stop the torture, I smashed the toilet tank and used the shards to cut my wrists and neck. There was a lot of blood — on my clothes, on the floor — and I collapsed. Most likely, they saw what I did via the surveillance camera installed in the cell. Staff from the detention center entered and gave me medical assistance.

I want to add that during the torture by electric shock, my mouth was full of “crushed teeth” because I clenched my jaw so hard from the pain. My tongue's frenulum was torn, my entire mouth was full of blood. At one point, one of the torturers shoved my own sock into my mouth. From the beatings, my head was split open.”

(Source: Mediazona, February 9, 2018), link: https://zona.media/article/2018/02/09/penza-tortures

 

6. Religious Persecution in Russia.

In June 2013, amendments were adopted increasing liability “for insulting the feelings of believers,” including the introduction of criminal penalties such as imprisonment for “public actions expressing clear disrespect for society and committed with the intent to insult the religious feelings of believers” (Article 148 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation).

Let’s examine excerpts from this article:

"Criminal Code of the Russian Federation" from 13.06.1996 No. 63-FZ (as amended on 19.02.2018)

Article 148. Violation of the right to freedom of conscience and religion...

1. Unlawful obstruction of the activities of religious organizations or the conduct of religious services, other rituals, and ceremonies—
   shall be punishable by a fine of up to 300,000 rubles or the equivalent of the convicted person’s wages or other income for a period of up to two years, or compulsory labor for up to 360 hours, or correctional labor for up to one year, or arrest for up to three months.

2. The acts described in part three of this article, if committed:
   a) by a person using their official position;
   b) with the use of violence or threat thereof,—
   shall be punishable by a fine of up to 200,000 rubles or the equivalent of the convicted person’s wages or other income for a period of up to one year, or compulsory labor for up to 480 hours, or correctional labor for up to two years, or forced labor for up to one year, or imprisonment for the same period with disqualification from certain positions or activities for up to two years.

It’s interesting to consider: under this very article, how should the ban on the Jehovah’s Witnesses in Russia, following the decision of the Supreme Court on April 20, 2017, be classified? And to whom should part 4 of this article—on criminal liability, imprisonment, and prohibition from holding certain positions—apply for obstructing the activities of a religious organization? Perhaps to the judge who issued the decision? Or to Putin, with whose silent consent it occurred?

It is obvious that the initiator of this decision was the Russian Orthodox Church (ROC), motivated by fear of losing its dominant position in Russia. Under Putin’s rule, the status of the Church has been significantly strengthened. The ROC has received ownership of numerous churches and other properties of high social and cultural value. It also received funding from the federal budget and sponsors for the restoration of more than 25,000 churches.

The merger of church and state has become clear. The anti-terrorism law passed in 2016 solidified this merger and strengthened ecclesiastical authority by prohibiting any missionary activity outside official institutions. This allowed the ROC to increase its role in public life. The ROC, through the Russian Ministry of Education, introduced the subject "Fundamentals of Religious Cultures and Secular Ethics" into schools. The ROC was also granted the right to participate in the review of legislative proposals in the State Duma.

This influence is beneficial for both sides: for the ROC — expansion and strengthening of its dominance; for Putin — consolidation of power and the acquisition of additional electoral support in the form of the ROC’s parishioners.

As a result, hostility toward other religious communities that pose a threat to their dominance is encouraged by both the ROC and Putin. This does not apply to Islam, since behind that religion stand powerful entities such as the Chechen and Tatar republics, with whom neither the ROC nor Putin would dare to engage in open confrontation.

Why were Jehovah’s Witnesses among the first to be persecuted?
The answer is obvious: because members of this religious organization firmly oppose all forms of violence, reject military actions, and accordingly refuse military service. They do not participate in politics or elections, and by their very existence in Russia, they stand in silent opposition to Putin’s harsh dictatorial regime.

After the Russian Supreme Court’s decision to ban the activities of Jehovah’s Witnesses in the country, the confiscation of all their property began. By court order, the organization's assets and 396 Kingdom Halls (real estate properties) across Russia will be transferred to the ownership of the state. The religious literature of Jehovah’s Witnesses has also been declared extremist and banned from distribution.

An interesting legal development unexpectedly occurred in a case scheduled for hearing on March 2, 2018, in the Petrozavodsk City Court, filed by the First Deputy Prosecutor of the Republic of Karelia against the “Religious Association of Jehovah’s Witnesses” in the Republic of Finland (Jehovan todistajat -uskonnollinen yhdyskunta). The subject of the lawsuit is a 460 sq.m. house of worship located in the center of Petrozavodsk (52 Pervomaysky Avenue), which the prosecutor’s office wants to confiscate for the benefit of the Russian Federation.

In 1998, the building was purchased for $150,000 USD by the Watch Tower Bible and Tract Society of Norway (Vakttårnets Bibel- og Traktatselskap). Nine years later, in 2007, the Norwegian religious organization decided to donate the building to its fellow believers in Russia. A donation agreement was signed, transferring ownership to the Local Religious Organization of Jehovah’s Witnesses "Petrozavodsk".

Finally, in March 2017, ownership of the worship building was transferred to the Religious Association of Jehovah’s Witnesses in the Republic of Finland. The Petrozavodsk congregation was later liquidated, but foreign religious organizations like the one in Finland continue to exist legally.

Now, the Karelian Prosecutor's Office is asking the court to invalidate the March 2017 donation agreement, in order to confiscate the building that temporarily belonged to the Petrozavodsk congregation.

The prosecution cites two novel legal arguments as the basis for their claim:

1. The transaction is illegal because it was made between two entities of the same Jehovah’s Witness religion (?!), and

2. The transaction is illegal because both parties intended to preserve the property within the Jehovah’s Witness faith.

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